PSYCHIC PHENOMENA
IN ANTIQUITY
IF it had not
been for our present knowledge of psychic phenomena, no matter what the
explanation of them, we should be unable to make intelligible most of
the stories that have come down to us from ancient times. But present
knowledge makes it easy to understand their meaning. Even savages were
conversant with psychic phenomena, in the form of superstitions. Savage,
no less than civilized imaginations, went far beyond the facts in their
efforts to explain them, went so far that science has ever been disposed
to cite these imaginings as proof of feeble intellectuality, as
superstitions which it has been the achievement of civilization to
overthrow. Tylor's "Primitive Culture," Herbert Spencer's works,
Frazer's "Belief in
Immortality among Savages" and many similar works, as well as the legends of folklore, bear
testimony to the existence of psychic phenomena in the earliest times,
even though we make due allowance for magic, fraud, hysteria, and morbid
conditions. Dreams and sorcery seem to have been the chief forms of
manifestation. In dreams the savage mind seemed to find evidence of
survival, and in sorcery and magical rites it seemed to find means to
invoke the aid of the dead or to propitiate their anger. The study of
savage beliefs will some day be deemed as important as it is interesting
in this respect, but only as throwing light upon the history of psychic
phenomena. In all ages these phenomena participate in the character and
preconceptions of the people affected by them. Their form is influenced and shaped by the
preconceptions of normal experience. Moreover, savages assumed a reality
in their experiences which the modern psychic researcher does not
assume. They interpreted occurrences according to superficial
appearance; but we have learned from the distinction between subjective
and veridical hallucinations that these may have a genuine import even when they
are only quasi-material.
This is
particularly true of apparitions and voices. The significant fact regarding savages is that identical ideas of the soul arose among tribes
that had never had any
communication with one another, tribes as far separated as the Australians, the
New-Zealanders, the South Sea Islanders, the Africans, and the North
American Indians. Tradition cannot account for these similarities, but similar
experiences can explain them.
But we cannot
dwell here upon savage customs. They are only the antecedents that help
to explain the deviations and survivals of certain ideas and customs in
more civilized times. Perhaps we should not know the significance of
these primitive customs, were it not for the survival of savages on the
boundaries of civilization. But when they are once known, much becomes
intelligible that could not easily, if at all, be otherwise unraveled.
The more civilized periods arose out of the earlier conditions and were
characterized by a revolt against them, which embodied itself now in a philosophy an now in some
form of purified religion.
A more
interesting period is that which followed savage times, in which the
superstitions of earlier people were partly outgrown. The ancestorworship
of China and Japan is the oldest survival of animism, which is the belief of primitive races. As
culture advanced, this worship took various forms. The more intelligent
classes dropped the ideas of the more ignorant and substituted respect for the
memory of ancestors in place of fear of their influence as spirits. But there were
other and rival beliefs. When Buddhism and Confucianism arose, the former
denying the existence of spirits and the latter admitting their
existence, but disregarding their importance, ancestor-worship underwent
modifications. Brahminism, the philosophic upholder of immortality,
substituted a supersensible conception of the soul for the
quasi-material idea of earlier times. But Buddhism directly attacked
Brahminism, and, by denying all survival, including personal immortality
as the Brahmins understood it, tended to uproot ancestor-worship.
Confucius admitted that spirits exist; but his system was primarily concerned with secular ethics
and laid no stress on the doctrine of survival. In political and social problems, all
of these religions compromised with animism and made concessions to it.
To-day we have every conceivable form of belief among the Oriental
races. Ancestor-worship, in most cases simply the spiritualism of the
East, survives as the exponent of immortality. Its influence is evident
in the widely extended belief
of the Chinese in demoniac possession.
Judaism in its
early period, when it attacked idolatry, was in essence an assault on
fetishism or animism. The pure theism of Moses marked an advance in a
more philosophic conception of the world, and represented the same
intellectual movement as that of Xenophanes and the Eleatics in Greece.
In fact, it was more or less synchronous with the rise of Buddhism and other religions in the
Orient, and at one period was contemporary with the intellectual development of Greek
philosophy. In calling the worship which preceded theism "idolatry,"
modern minds, if ignorant of the meaning of animism, would mistake the
nature of the movement. Animism had various forms, from the most
superstitious type to an advanced stage of spiritualism, as represented
in mediumship. Its most objectionable form was fetishism. A more familiar form
is represented in incidents like that of the Witch of Endor, and, among the
common people, in the general recognition of mediumistic phenomena,
which it was to the interest of the state religion to persecute. The
intellectuals of the age opposed the lower types of belief in the
interest of a purer religion or ethics and even identified themselves
with what we should now regard as the scientific spirit. Judaistic
theism recognized the idea of God as absolute unchangeableness, while
fetishism made Him or other discarnate realities altogether capricious and unmoral.
In making the Divine unchangeable, the intellectuals identified God with
natural law. It was only the later emergence of Christianity, with its
appeal to the supernatural, which reinstated the animistic conception of
the Divine. Had religion held to the notion of natural law, it might
have escaped the consequences of its identification of the Divine with
the irregular and capricious. The elder Judaism was virtually identical
with the movement of Xenophanes in Greece, in so far as the conception
of God was concerned, and represented philosophy versus superstition.
The
origin of Christianity was associated with psychic phenomena to a marked
degree. The story of the transfiguration, and the appearance of Moses
and Elias on the mount is a conspicuous instance. It does not make any
difference whether it be true or not; it was told, and modern psychic
research has made it entirely credible, even though we give it no other
import than that of an hallucination, objective or veridical.
Furthermore, there is the story of Christ and the woman at the well; and
that of Christ walking on the water, which is not regarded as a physical
miracle in the New Testament, for it is not his physical body, but his
spirit—the revised version says apparition—that is represented as
walking on the water. We have the story of the disciples on the way to
Emmaus after Christ's crucifixion; the story of St. Paul's vision on the
way to Damascus, when he
thought he saw his Lord after the crucifixion; the speaking with tongues
on the day of Pentecost; the
miracles of healing, which have been repeated a thousand times since
that period, in more or less striking manner; and lastly the story of
the resurrection, which investigation shows was connected with the phenomena of
apparitions. The very term is the same as that used for such phenomena by
Homer, Herodotus, AEschylus, and Sophocles. Many theologians have held
this view independently of and even previous to psychic research. In
addition, we have the "spiritual body" doctrine of St. Paul and the
remarkable classification of the types of mediumship, or "spiritual gifts,"
described by him in the twelfth, thirteenth, and fourteenth chapters of
First Corinthians; the fifteenth chapter of the same book developed his
doctrine of the "spiritual body" and the resurrection.
What followed
among the early Christian fathers, especially among the Greek
philosophers who accepted Christianity, proves this genesis of Christianity in psychic phenomena. I
shall have occasion to refer to them a little later. But the controversy
about the resurrection between the Pharisees and the Sadducees, before
the story was told of Christ, indubitably proves that Christianity
simply followed the common beliefs of the age and had no antagonist
except materialism and orthodox institutions interested in preserving
the political fabric at the time. Those familiar with the whole field of
psychic phenomena can easily recognize them in the various incidents of
real or alleged spiritual healing narrated in the New Testament.
Suggestion, trance, mediumship, and telepathy are apparent in the
record; were it as perfect as later records are, we might discover still
more evidence of this affiliation.
Greek
philosophy, like all similar movements in the Orient and Palestine, was
a protest against the polytheism of the preceding period, with a remote relation to fetishism
and animism. When it arose, it seems to have been unaware of fetishism, the
worship of "stocks and stones," against which Judaism was directed.
Polytheism had succeeded Fetishism, which was either forgotten or
ignored without being seriously considered. But the interest in
monotheism on the one hand, and in scientific tendencies on the other, evoked an
attack by the materialists on polytheism and incidentally on all theistic
conceptions. In its inception the movement coincided with the same tendency at
that time in other countries.
But the earlier
philosophers did not wholly escape the influence of animism. Even the
Ionian materialists, or physicists, as they are usually called, admitted
the existence of souls; and the materialists like Empedocles and
Democritus frankly admitted the existence of souls and their survival,
one of them even avowing reincarnation. But they did not admit these
agencies into causal relations with the cosmos or man. They initiated
that conception of the divine which terminated in the more distinctly
avowed and logical doctrine of the Epicureans, namely, that the gods,
though they exist, have no causal relation to the physical world. They
substituted what may be called
material
causes for
efficient
causes in the explanation of the
cosmos. 'The elements or atoms were held to be the constituent material of things,
explaining what things are, their qualitative, though not their temporal, origin.
Later thinkers
had to compromise with the idea of creative or efficient causes, which
Socrates, Anaxagoras, Plato, and Aristotle to some extent acknowledged.
In so far as they did so, they either bordered on the recognition of the
spiritual, which the physicists and materialists excluded from their explanation of the
universe; or they openly avowed this spiritual intervention. But even the earlier
thinkers, supposed by most historians of philosophy to have had nothing
to do with modern spiritualistic ideas, admitted them in many details,
from which students of psychic research can easily reconstruct the whole
doctrine. For these thinkers excluded spiritistic ideas only from the
interpretation of nature; spiritual realities were held to exist side by
side with material phenomena. In this acknowledgment we find the dualism
of Greek thought, from which it never escaped until materialism totally
denied the existence of spirit of any kind.
Plato was
familiar with the popular view and embodied it in his celebrated
narrative about the destiny of the soul after death; but he distinctly asserted that this story
was mythical. His doctrine of immortality was conceived after the analogy of
our conservation of energy. He believed in reincarnation, or
transmigration of souls, and often expressed himself as if the
conception were the same as that of some modern believers,; but he did
not assume the survival of personal identity. This theory is what
connects his view with our notion of the conservation of energy, by
which the form of matter in one condition is not retained in another. He
was careful to repudiate the popular ideas and to maintain
transmigration as a philosophical doctrine, though it is probable that,
just after the death of
Socrates, his emotional interest influenced him to hold to personal survival. But when he came
to test it by his philosophic doctrine, he adopted a view which is not
consistent with personal survival.
Aristotle also
believed in immortality, but he carefully distinguished between the
immortality of the "rational" soul and that of the "animal" soul. He
denied the latter. But he was generally so reticent about what he meant
that his real doctrine is a matter of conjecture. He believed in
premonitory dreams and tried to explain them away in some natural
manner, but confessed that he was not sure of success. He was probably
familiar with the popular spiritualism; and, if so, we may surmise that
his "animal" soul was the "spiritual body" assumed by him and others to
be the basis of vital phenomena, but not of consciousness; in this case
the "rational" soul would be simply the stream of consciousness,
selfconsciousness, which survived in some way that he could not
intelligibly represent. But he
was not interested in the doctrine
and probably referred to it only because philosophy could not escape its
consideration. Since he had to leave Athens to escape persecution, he
probably veiled his own agnostic views in the distinction mentioned; it
may have meant no more than Plato's transmigration, though possibly
evoking less hostility.
The Stoics
believed in some form of immortality, perhaps adopting the view of
Aristotle, though they did not always regard it as an essential belief
either for explaining the world or for establishing a basis for ethics.
The Epicureans admitted the existence of the soul, or "ethereal
organism," "spiritual body" of St. Paul, but they denied that it
survived death. They were perfectly familiar with the popular
spiritualism, but rejected all its beliefs except the doctrine of an
"ethereal organism," which they rather inconsistently held to be a fine
form of matter, since they affirmed at the same time the
indestructibility of matter and the perishability of the soul. Perhaps
they preserved consistency by conceiving the "ethereal organism" as
complex and assuming that all complex organisms at some time dissolved
or perished.
This brief
outline of Greek ideas shows throughout a thread of animism or primitive
spiritualism. The attempt to explain change inevitably introduced the
idea of efficient causes; and with these the popular mind, relying on
oracles, who were the Greek mediums, fraudulent or otherwise, and on
apparitions (anastasis, the Greek term for resurrection), felt secure in
defending survival after death. But the philosophic mind, which always
opposes the interpretations of
naive realism, could protect itself only by an agnostic or hostile attitude toward
the doctrines that had their origin in the earlier form of animism. The
spiritualistic interpretation of man's destiny survived side by side
with these philosophic views. The two doctrines were combined in
Neo-Platonism, whose chief followers tried to reconcile philosophic with
popular ideas. Whether they succeeded or not it is not necessary to
inquire! What we know of Plotinus and his followers shows that they took seriously the
phenomena which had given rise to the popular doctrine, and tried to explain them in accordance with the abstruse
idealistic metaphysics of the
time and of later Christianity.
There
was a period between Epicureanism and Christianity in
which the traces of philosophic and scientific thought were almost lost.
No men of special historic note have survived in the records of their
contemporaries. Antiquarians might pick up stray evidence of both
philosophy and psychic phenomena in that interval, but it was
Christianity that precipitated a return to the consideration of the
facts. Philosophy had gone to seed. The intellectuals had rejected facts
as superstition and had
wallowed in speculation and imagination until respectable orthodoxy
could do nothing else. The
common people again, as usual, raised the issue by an appeal to facts, and occasioned a
revival of interest in the popular ideas which Greek philosophy had
repudiated just as Old Testament Judaism had rejected animism. This
revival manifested itself in Neo-Platonism. Its founder was Ammonius
Saccas and its chief representatives Plotinus, Porphyry, and Jamblichus.
These men lived in the second and into the third century after Christ. The
historians of philosophy say little or nothing about their mysticism, and give an
account only of their conclusions, which have no meaning apart from the
facts that determined them. The Neo-Platonists were well versed in all
the practices of spiritualism; indeed one modern author of great
learning maintains that they knew more about it and were in this respect
more rational than the moderns, such as judge Edmunds, Andrew Jackson
Davis and their followers. Plotinus went into trances, about which
little or no information is given us by the orthodox historians of philosophy. Jamblichus gives minute accounts of the forms
of psychic phenomena,
especially phantasms And materializations, which he, more rational than
modern spiritualists, identifies with apparitions. Apollonius of Tyana
was more or less an adept in the subject, though, despite acknowledged
good traits of character, he passed among skeptics as an impostor. No
doubt some of these men did not report their facts in such a way as to
escape the skepticism roused by methods of deception, which existed then
as they do today. But the
ensemble
of incidents reported by men of intelligence created a presumption that where there
was so much smoke there must
have been some fire. This is evident in the essay of Plutarch on "The
Cessation of the Oracles." Many of the stories bear the marks of imperfect observation; for this, and for fraud, Plutarch allows. From his account, any one familiar with proved modern
psychic phenomena can recognize, after proper discounts, the existence
of the same phenomena then as to-day.
The author of
"The Apocatastasis," a classical scholar in one of the American
colleges, who went over the whole subject thoroughly, calls attention to
the trial of Apuleius for "witchcraft" before a Roman judge on account
of his experiments with an epileptic boy. Isodorus, the philosopher,
describes a woman who poured water into a glass vessel and therein
beheld phantasms representing future events; this is an instance of
crystal gazing.
The author just
quoted, after canvassing the whole of antiquity upon the subject, summarizes the phenomena in the following manner:
"The methods of
intercourse between the two worlds and of prying into futurity were by
means of oracles, omens, dreams, the lot, astrology, magical divination
(the ancient mesmerism), aided by magical statues, tripods, rings,
spheres, water, mirrors; and necromancy proper, or the evocation of and direct conversation
with the spirits of the dead."
He then
catalogues all the types of phenomena in relation to modern records. It
is a remarkable list.
"Physical
Lights, both fixed and moved.
Halo, encircling the medium.
Spectra, luminous, or otherwise
visible.
Self-visible spirits.
Sounds, cries, voices in the air,
trumpets, speaking spectres (materializations), musical intonations, musical instruments played.
Physiological
Trance.
Magnetic sleep.
Magnetic insensibility.
Psychological or Physico-psychological.
Spirit speaking, spirit
writing.
Speaking unknown languages ('speaking
with tongues,' echolalia).
Answering mental questions.
Clairvoyance, in relation to both
time and space.
Magnetization, by the eye, the hand,
music, or water.
Spirits answering questions through
mediums or without mediums."
The author
might have added to this list the reading of the contents of sealed letters, of which he reports
a case or two.
It matters not
whether the phenomena were genuine or not. Some of them represent types
of occurrences which have good credentials in modern times, though
others remain to be proved. Certain physical phenomena still have to
prove their claims, but many of the mental type, though they belong to
abnormal psychology, have their genuineness established.
'The same
author quotes from Plutarch a remarkable statement which shows not only
critical acumen on the part of that intelligent Roman, but also a
distinct anticipation of the theory of interfusion of the minds of the
medium and the spirit in the delivery of messages. It occurs in the
account of his observations in
connection with the Pythian oracle:
"If
the verses of the Pythia are inferior to those of Homer, we need not
suppose that Apollo is the author of them. He merely gives the impulse
whereby each prophetess is moved according to her peculiar disposition.
For if the responses were to be given by writing instead of speaking, I
do not think the letters (grammata) supposed to be written by the god
would be found fault with because they lacked the calligraphy of royal
epistles;—for the voice, the intonation, the diction, and the metre, are
not the god's but the woman's. He only causes visions and supplies light to the soul in relation to the
future."
There is
evidence in modern investigations that a foreign stimulus is always
present to give rise to subconscious recollections and interpretations
and that the phenomena are not always, if they are ever, pure invention
by the psychic. There is the intermingling of two minds. Transmission of
thought is not merely the process of delivering messages verbatim; it is
never free from subconscious modification by the medium through which it
comes. In the passage from Plutarch we have an observation which is
confirmed by modern experiment.
Plutarch lived in the first century of
the Christian era; his work on this subject therefore coincided with, and
may have been influenced by, the new interest created by Christianity in
psychic phenomena. But from this time on, the subject was more or less
confined, so far as favorable notice of the facts is concerned, to the
Christian Fathers. The rising conflict between paganism and the new creed
tended to discredit the oracles, one side opposing them because they did
not favor Christianity, and the other unable to defend them from the philosophic point of view. Christianity
had control of the situation for
the long period of its domination; the works of the Fathers are full of stories of the continuance of miracles, though on
the whole they rapidly declined
in number after the crucifixion, or at least after the end of the first
century. On the whole neither this period nor that of the Greek and Roman
oracles can be quoted except as evidence that better accredited phenomena
in modern times had their antecedents in antiquity; and if we do not
reject them as wholly idle tales, it will be because we have proved the
existence of the supernormal in the present age.