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PREFACE
THE mass of existing material on
this subject is so great that I have not attempted to make a survey of the
whole of European 'Witchcraft', but have confined myself to an intensive
study of the cult in Great Britain. In order, however, to obtain a clearer
understanding of the ritual and beliefs I have had recourse to French and
Flemish sources, as the cult appears to have been the same throughout
Western Europe. The New England records are unfortunately not published
in extenso; this is the more unfortunate as the extracts already given
to the public occasionally throw light on some of the English practices.
It is more difficult to trace the English practices than the Scotch or
French, for in England the cult was already in a decadent condition when
the records were made; therefore records in a purely English colony would
probably contain much of interest.
The sources from which the
information is taken are the judicial records and contemporary
chroniclers. In the case of the chroniclers I have studied their facts and
not their opinions. I have also had access to some unpublished trials
among the Edinburgh Justiciary Records and also in the Guernsey Greffe.
The following articles have
already appeared in various journals, to whose editors I am indebted for
kind permission to republish: 'Organization of Witch Societies' and
'Witches and the number Thirteen' in Folk Lore; 'The God of the
Witches' in the Journal of the Manchester Oriental Society; 'Child
Sacrifice', 'Witches' Familiars', 'The Devil's Mark', 'The Devil's
Officers', 'Witches' Fertility Rites', 'Witches Transformations', in Man;
and 'The Devil of North Berwick' in the Scottish Historical Review.
My thanks are due to Georgiana
Aitken, W. Bonser, and Mary Slater for much kind help, also to Prof. C. G.
Seligman for valuable suggestions and advice as to lines of research.
M. A. MURRAY.
UNIVERSITY COLLEGE,
LONDON.
INTRODUCTION
THE subject of Witches and
Witchcraft has always suffered from the biassed opinions of the
commentators, both contemporary and of later date. On the one hand are the
writers who, having heard the evidence at first hand, believe implicitly
in the facts and place upon them the unwarranted construction that those
facts were due to supernatural power; on the other hand are the writers
who, taking the evidence on hearsay and disbelieving the conclusions drawn
by their opponents, deny the facts in toto. Both parties believed
with equal firmness in a personal Devil, and both supported their
arguments with quotations from the Bible. But as the believers were able
to bring forward more texts than the unbelievers and had in their hands an
unanswerable argument in the Witch of Endor, the unbelievers, who dared
not contradict the Word of God, were forced to fall back on the theory
that the witches suffered from hallucination, hysteria, and, to use the
modern word, 'auto-suggestion'. These two classes still persist, the
sceptic predominating. Between the believer who believed everything and
the unbeliever who disbelieved everything there has been no critical
examination of the evidence, which presents a new and untouched field of
research to the student of comparative religion.
Among the believers in witchcraft
everything which could not be explained by the knowledge at their disposal
was laid to the credit of supernatural powers; and as everything
incomprehensible is usually supposed to emanate from evil, the witches
were believed to be possessed of devilish arts. As also every
non-Christian God was, in the eyes of the Christians, the opponent of the
Christian God, the witches were considered to worship the Enemy of
Salvation, in other words, the Devil. The greater number of these writers,
however, obtained the evidence at first hand, and it must therefore be
accepted although the statements do not bear the construction put upon
them. It is only by a careful comparison with the evidence of anthropology
that the facts fall into their proper places and an organized religion
stands revealed.
The common beliefs as to the
powers of the witches are largely due to the credulous contemporary
commentators, who misunderstood the evidence and then exaggerated some of
the facts to suit their preconceived ideas of the supernatural powers of
the witches; thereby laying themselves open to the ridicule of all their
opponents, past and present. Yet the ridicule is not fully deserved, for
the facts are there, though the explanation is wrong; for even the two
points, which are usually considered the ultimate proof of the absurdity
and incredibility of the whole system——the flying on a broomstick through
the window or up the chimney, and the transformation into animals——are
capable of explanation. The first can be accounted for when the form of
early mound-dwellings is taken into consideration, and when it is
remembered that among savage tribes there are often taboos connected with
the door, the two-faced god being essentially a deity of the door. Besides
this the fertility rites connected with the broom should be taken into
account. The second should be compared with similar accounts of
transformation into animals among the cults of other nations. Mr. A. B.
Cook's comment on the Greek ritual applies quite as well to Western as to
Eastern Europe: 'We may venture on the general statement that within the
bounds of Hellenic mythology animal-metamorphosis commonly points to a
preceding animal cult .'[1]
It is interesting to note the
class of mind among those contemporary writers who believed in the reality
of the facts confessed at the trials as compared with those who
disbelieved. It will be seen that the most brilliant minds, the keenest
intellects, the greatest investigators, were among the believers: Bodin,
Lord Bacon, Raleigh, Boyle, Cudworth, Selden, Henry More, Sir Thomas
Browne, Matthew Hale, Sir George Mackenzie, and many others, most of whom
had heard the evidence at first hand. The sceptics were Weyer, pupil of
the occultist Cornelius Agrippa; Reginald Scot, a Kentish country squire;
[1. Journal of Hellenic Studies,
1894, p. 160. The italics are in the original.]
Filmer, whose name was a byword
for political bigotry; Wagstaffe, who went mad from drink; and Webster, a
fanatical preacher.[1] The sceptics, with the exception of Weyer, appear
to have had little or no first-hand evidence; their only weapon was an
appeal to common sense and sentiment combined; their only method was a
flat denial of every statement which appeared to point to supernatural
powers. They could not disprove the statements; they could not explain
them without opposing the accepted religious beliefs of their time, and so
weakening their cause by exposing themselves to the serious charge of
atheism; therefore they denied evidence which in the case of any other
accusation would have been accepted as proof.
The evidence which I now bring
forward is taken entirely from contemporary sources, i.e. the legal
records of the trials, pamphlets giving accounts of individual witches,
and the works of Inquisitors and other writers. I have omitted the
opinions of the authors, and have examined only the recorded facts,
without however including the stories of ghosts and other 'occult'
phenomena with which all the commentators confuse the subject. I have
also, for the reason given below, omitted all reference to charms and
spells when performed by one witch alone, and have confined myself to
those statements only which show the beliefs, organization, and ritual of
a hitherto unrecognized cult.
In order to clear the ground I
make a sharp distinction between Operative Witchcraft and Ritual
Witchcraft. Under Operative Witchcraft I class all charms and spells,
whether used by a professed witch or by a professed Christian, whether
intended for good or for evil, for killing or for curing. Such charms and
spells are common to every nation and country, and are practised by the
priests and people of every religion. They are part of the common heritage
of the human race and are therefore of no practical value in the study of
any one particular cult.
Ritual Witchcraft——or, as I
propose to call it, the Dianic
[1. See James Crossley's
Introduction to Potts's Discoverie of Witchcraft, Chetham Society,
pp. v-xii.]
cult-embraces the religious
beliefs and ritual of the people, known in late mediaeval times as
'Witches'. The evidence proves that underlying the Christian religion was
a cult practised by many classes of the community, chiefly, however, by
the more ignorant or those in the less thickly inhabited parts of the
country. It can be traced back to pre-Christian times, and appears to be
the ancient religion of Western Europe. The god, anthropomorphic or
theriomorphic, was worshipped in well-defined rites; the organization was
highly developed; and the ritual is analogous to many other ancient
rituals. The dates of the chief festivals suggest that the religion
belonged to a race which had not reached the agricultural stage; and the
evidence shows that various modifications were introduced, probably by
invading peoples who brought in -their own beliefs. I have not attempted
to disentangle the various cults; I am content merely to point out that it
was a definite religion with beliefs, ritual, and organization as highly
developed as that of any other cult in the world.
The deity of this cult was
incarnate in a man, a woman, or an animal; the animal form being
apparently earlier than the human, for the god was often spoken of as
wearing the skin or attributes of an animal. At the same time, however,
there was another form of the god in the shape of a man with two aces.
Such a god is found in Italy (where he was called Janus or Dianus), in
Southern France (see pp. 62, 129), and in the English Midlands. The
feminine form of the name, Diana, is found throughout Western Europe as
the name of the female deity or leader of the so-called Witches, and it is
for this reason that I have called this ancient religion the Dianic cult.
The geographical distribution of the two-faced god suggests that the race
or races, who carried the cult, either did not remain in every country
which they entered, or that in many places they and their religion were
overwhelmed by subsequent invaders.
The dates of the two chief
festivals, May Eve and November Eve, indicate the use of a calendar which
is generally acknowledged to be pre-agricultural and earlier than the
solstitial division of the year. The fertility rites of the cult bear out
this indication, as they were for promoting the increase of animals and
only rarely for the benefit of the crops. The cross -quarter-days,
February 2 and August 1, which were also kept as festivals, were probably
of later date, as, though classed among the great festivals, they were not
of so high an importance as the May and November Eves. To February 2,
Candlemas Day, probably belongs the sun-charm of the burning wheel, formed
by the whirling dancers, each carrying a blazing torch; but no special
ceremony seems to be assigned to August 1, Lammas Day, a fact suggestive
of a later introduction of this festival,
The organization of the hierarchy
was the same throughout Western Europe, with the slight local differences
which always occur in any organization. The same organization, when
carried to America, caused Cotton Mather to say, 'The witches are
organized like Congregational Churches.' This gives the clue at once. In
each Congregational Church there is a body of elders who manage the
affairs of the Church, and the minister who conducts the religious
services and is the chief person in religious matters; and there may also
be a specially appointed person to conduct the services in the minister's
absence; each Church is an independent entity and not necessarily
connected with any other. In the same way there was among the witches a
body of elders——the Coven——which managed the local affairs of the cult,
and a man who, like the minister, held the chief place, though as God that
place was infinitely higher in the eyes of the congregation than any held
by a mere human being. In some of the larger congregations there was a
person, inferior to the Chief, who took charge in the Chief's absence. In
Southern France, however, there seems to have been a Grand Master who was
supreme over several districts,
The position of the chief woman in
the cult is still somewhat obscure. Professor Pearson sees, in her the
Mother-Goddess worshipped chiefly by women. This is very probable, but at
the time when the cult is recorded the worship of the male deity-appears
to have superseded that of the female, and it is only on rare occasions
that the God appears in female form to receive the homage of the
worshippers. As a general rule the woman's position, when divine, is that
of the familiar or substitute for the male god. There remains, however,
the curious fact that the chief woman was often identified with the Queen
of Faerie, or the Elfin Queen as she is sometimes called.
This connexion of the witches and
fairies opens up a very wide field; at present it is little more than
speculation that the two are identical, but there is promise that the
theory may be proved at some later date when the subject is more fully
worked out. It is now a commonplace of anthropology that the tales of
fairies and elves preserve the tradition of a dwarf race which once
inhabited Northern and Western Europe. Successive invasions drove them to
the less fertile parts of each country which they inhabited, some betook
themselves to the inhospitable north or the equally inhospitable
mountains; some, however, remained in the open heaths and moors, living as
mound-dwellers, venturing out chiefly at night and coming in contact with
the ruling races only on rare occasions. As the conqueror always regards
the religion of the conquered as superior to his own in the arts of evil
magic, the dwarf race obtained the reputation of wizards and magicians,
and their god was identified by the conquerors with the Principle of Evil.
The identification of the witches with the dwarf or fairy race would give
us a clear insight into much of the civilization of the early European
peoples, especially as regards their religious ideas.
The religious rites varied
according to circumstances and the requirements of the people. The greater
number of the ceremonies appear to have been practised for the purpose of
securing fertility. Of these the sexual ritual has been given an
overwhelming and quite unwarranted importance in the trials, for it became
an obsession with the Christian judges and recorders to investigate the
smallest and most minute details of the rite. Though in late examples the
ceremony had possibly degenerated into a Bacchanalian orgy, there is
evidence to prove that, like the same rite in other countries, it was
originally a ceremonial magic to ensure fertility. There is at present
nothing to show how much of the Witches' Mass (in which the bread, the
wine, and the candles were black) derived from the Christian ritual and
how much belonged to the Dianic cult; it is, however, possible that the
witches' service was the earlier form and influenced the Christian. The
admission ceremonies were often elaborate, and it is here that the changes
in the religion are most clearly marked; certain ceremonies must have been
introduced when another cult was superimposed and became paramount, such
as the specific renunciation of a previous religion which was obligatory
on all new candidates, and the payment to the member who brought a new
recruit into the fold. The other rites——the feasts and dances——show that
it was a joyous religion; and as such it must have been quite
incomprehensible to the gloomy Inquisitors and Reformers who suppressed
it.
Much stress has always been laid
by the sceptical writers on the undoubted fact that in many cases the
witch confused dreams with reality and believed that she had visited the
Sabbath when credible witnesses could prove that she had slept in her bed
all the time. Yet such visions are known in other religions; Christians
have met their Lord in dreams of the night and have been accounted saints
for that very reason; Mahomed, though not released from the body, had
interviews with Allah; Moses talked with God; the Egyptian Pharaohs record
similar experiences. To the devotee of a certain temperament such visions
occur, and it is only to be expected that in every case the vision should
take the form required by the religion of the worshipper. Hence the
Christian sees Christ and enters heaven; Mahomed was caught up to the
Paradise of the true believers; the anthropomorphic Jehovah permitted only
a back view to His votary; the Egyptian Pharaohs beheld their gods alive
and moving on the earth. The witch also met her god at the actual Sabbath
and again in her dreams, for that earthly Sabbath was to her the true
Paradise, where there was more pleasure than she could express, and she
believed also that the joy which she took in it was but the prelude to a
much greater glory, for her god so held her heart that no other desire
could enter in. Thus the witches often went to the gibbet and the stake,
glorifying their god and committing their souls into his keeping, with a
firm belief that death was but the entrance to an eternal life in which
they would never be parted from him. Fanatics and visionaries as many of
them were, they resemble those Christian martyrs whom the
witch-persecutors often held in the highest honour.
Another objection is that, as the
evidence of the witches at the trials is more or less uniform in
character, it must be attributed to the publication by the Inquisitors of
a questionary for the use of all judges concerned in such trials; in
short, that the evidence is valueless, as it was given in answer to
leading questions. No explanation is offered by the objectors as to how
the Inquisitors arrived at the form of questionary, nor is any regard
given to the injunction to all Inquisitors to acquaint themselves with all
the details of any heresy which they were commissioned to root out; they
were to obtain the information from those who would recant and use it
against the accused; and to instruct other judges in the belief and ritual
of the heresy, so that they also might recognize it and act accordingly.
The objectors also overlook the fact that the believers in any given
religion, when tried for their faith, exhibit a sameness in their accounts
of the cult, usually with slight local differences. Had the testimony of
the witches as to their beliefs varied widely, it would be prima facie
evidence that there was no well-defined religion underlying their ritual;
but the very uniformity of their confessions points to the reality of the
occurrence.
Still another objection is that
the evidence was always given under torture, and that the wretched victims
consequently made reckless assertions and accusations. In most of the
English and many of the Scotch trials legal torture was not applied; and
it was only in the seventeenth century that pricking for the mark,
starvation, and prevention of sleep were used. Even then there were many
voluntary confessions given by those who, like the early Christian
martyrs, rushed headlong on their fate, determined to die for their faith
and their god.
Yet even if some of the evidence
were given under torture and in answer to leading questions, there still
remains a mass of details which cannot be explained away. Among others
there are the close connexions of the witches with the fairies the
persistence of the number thirteen in the Covens, the narrow geographical
range of the domestic familiar, the avoidance of certain forms in the
animal transformations, the limited number of personal names among the
women-witches, and the survival of the names of some of the early gods.
In England the legal method of
executing a witch was by hanging; after death the body was burnt and the
ashes scattered. In Scotland, as a rule, the witch was strangled at the
stake and the body burned, but there are several records of the culprit
being sentenced to burning alive. In France burning alive was the
invariable punishment.
In cases where popular fury,
unrestrained by the law, worked its own vengeance on individuals, horrible
scenes occurred; but these were the exception, and, examining only the
legal aspect of the subject, it will be found that witches had a fair
trial according to the methods of the period, and that their punishment
was according to the law. There was, however, one popular method of
dealing with a person accused of witchcraft which is interesting as
showing the survival of a legal process, obsolete as regards the law
itself, but remaining in full force among the people. This is the ordeal
by water. In the Laws of Athelstan the full detail of this ordeal is
given: after the person who was to undergo the ordeal had been prepared by
prayer and fasting, he was tied, the right thumb to the right big toe, the
left thumb to the left big toe, and was then cast into the water with
suitable prayers to the Almighty to declare the right; if he sank he was
considered innocent, if he floated he was guilty. The witch was 'tried' in
the same way, except that she was tied 'crossways', i.e. the right thumb
to the left big toe, and the left thumb to the right big toe. So great was
the belief in this test that many women accused of witchcraft insisted on
undergoing this ordeal, which was often conducted with solemnity and
decency under the auspices of the minister of the parish and other grave
persons. Unless there was strong feeling against the woman for other
reasons, the mere fact of her floating did not rouse the populace against
her, and she merely returned home; Widow Coman, for instance, was 'ducked'
on three separate occasions at her own request.
The theologians of the sixteenth
and seventeenth centuries were greatly exercised by the conclusive
evidence which proved that people known to be devout and professing
Christians had been present at the Sabbath, joined in the ceremonies, and
worshipped the witches' god. The Inquisitors recognized the fact, and
devote many pages of their books to the discussion of the course to be
followed in the case of Christian priests, coming finally to the
conclusion that if a priest merely went to the Sabbath but was not in any
way in an official position there his sacred character preserved him from
evil. The theologians of the Reformed Churches, who could not accept the
sanctity of the priesthood with the same ease and were also desirous of
finding some means of accounting for the presence of the devout laity,
boldly evolved the theory that the Devil could for his own purposes assume
the shape of good Christians in order to mislead the witches. By this plea
the accused often succeeded in escaping when the examiners were religious
ministers, but it was of no value to them when the trial was in a court of
law, and the fact of their presence at an illegal assembly was proved.
Lord Coke's definition of a witch summed up the law on the subject: 'A
witch is a person who hath conference with the Devil, to consult with him
or to do some act', and any person proved to have had such conference was
thus convicted of a capital offence and sentenced accordingly. This
accounts for the fact, commented on by all students of witch-trials, that
a witch was often condemned even though she had invariably used her skill
for good and not for evil; for healing the sick, not for casting sickness.
If it were proved that she had obtained her knowledge from the 'Devil' she
had broken the law and must die.
I. CONTINUITY OF THE RELIGION
OF the ancient religion of
pre-Christian Britain there are few written records, but it is contrary to
all experience that a cult should die out and leave no trace immediately
on the introduction of a new religion. The so-called conversion of Britain
meant the conversion of the rulers only; the mass of the people continued
to follow their ancient customs and beliefs with a veneer of Christian
rites. The centuries brought a deepening of Christianity which, introduced
from above, gradually penetrated downwards through one class after
another. During this process the laws against the practice of certain
heathen rites became more strict as Christianity grew in power, the Church
tried her strength against 'witches' in high places and was victorious,
and in the fifteenth century open war was declared against the last
remains of heathenism in the famous Bull of Innocent VIII.
This heathenism was practised only
in certain places and among certain classes of the community. In other
places the ancient ritual was either adopted into, or tolerated by, the
Church; and the Maypole dances and other rustic festivities remained as
survivals of the rites of the early cult.
Whether the religion which
survived as the witch cult was the same as the religion of the Druids, or
whether it belonged to a still earlier stratum, is not clear. Though the
descriptions, of classical authors are rather too vague and scanty to
settle such a point, sufficient remains to show that a fertility cult did
once exist in these islands, akin to similar cults in the ancient world.
Such rites would not he suppressed by the tribes who entered Great Britain
after the withdrawal of the Romans; a continuance of the cult may
therefore be expected among the people whom the Christian missionaries
laboured to convert.
As the early historical records of
these islands were made by Christian ecclesiastics, allowance must be made
for the religious bias of the writers, which caused them to make
Christianity appear as the only religion existing at the time. But though
the historical records are silent on the subject the laws and enactments
of the different communities, whether lay or ecclesiastical, retain very
definite evidence of the continuance of the ancient cults.
In this connexion the dates of the
conversion of England are instructive, The following table gives the
principal dates:
597-604. Augustine's mission.
London still heathen. Conversion of Æthelbert, King of Kent. After
Æthelbert's death Christianity suffered a reverse.
604. Conversion of the King of the
East Saxons, whose successor lapsed.
627. Conversion of the King of
Northumbria.
628. Conversion of the King of
East Anglia.
631-651. Aidan's missions.
635. Conversion of the King of
Wessex.
653. Conversion of the King of
Mercia.
654. Re-conversion of the King of
the East Saxons.
681. Conversion of the King of the
South Saxons.
An influx of heathenism occurred
on two later occasions in the ninth century there was an invasion by the
heathen Danes under Guthrum; and in the eleventh century the heathen king
Cnut led his hordes to victory, As in the case of the Saxon kings of the
seventh century, Guthrum and Cnut were converted and the tribes followed
their leaders' example, professed Christianity, and were baptized.
But it cannot be imagined that
these wholesale conversions were more than nominal in most cases, though
the king's religion was outwardly the tribe's religion. If, as happened
among the East Saxons, the king forsook his old gods, returned to them
again, and finally forsook them altogether, the tribe followed his lead,
and, in public at least, worshipped Christ, Odin, or any other deity whom
the king favoured for the moment; but there can be hardly any doubt that
in private the mass of the people adhered to the old religion to which
they were accustomed. This tribal conversion is clearly marked when a
heathen king married a Christian queen, or vice. versa; and it must also
be noted that a king never changed his religion without careful
consultation with his chief men.[1] An example of the two religions
existing side by side is found in the account of Redwald, King of the East
Saxons, who 'in the same temple had an altar to sacrifice to Christ, and
another small one to offer victims to devils'.[2]
The continuity of the ancient
religion is proved by the references to it in the classical authors, the
ecclesiastical laws, and other legal and historical records.
1st cent. Strabo, 63 B.C.-A.D. 23.
'In an island close to Britain,
Demeter and Persephone are venerated with rites similar to the orgies of
Samothrace.'[3]
4th cent. Dionysius says that in
islands near Jersey and Guernsey the rites of Bacchus were performed by
the women, crowned with leaves; they danced and made an even greater
shouting than the Thracians.[4]
7th cent. Theodore, Archbishop of
Canterbury, 668-690.
The Liber Poenitentialis[5]
of Theodore contains the earliest ecclesiastical laws of England. It
consists of a list of offences and the penance due for each offence; one
whole section is occupied with details of the ancient religion and of its
rites. Such are:
Sacrifice to devils.
Eating and drinking in a heathen
temple, (a) in ignorance, (b) after being told by the [Christian] priest
that it is sacrilege and the table of devils, (c) as a cult of idols and
in honour of idols.
'Not only celebrating feasts in
the abominable places of the heathen and offering food there, but also
consuming it. Serving this hidden idolatry, having relinquished Christ. If
anyone at the kalends of January goes about as a stag or a bull; that is,
making himself into a wild animal and dressing in the skin of a herd
animal, and putting on the heads of beasts; those who in such wise
transform themselves into the appearance of a wild animal, penance for
three years because this is devilish.'
[1. Hunt, vol. I
2. Bede, Bk. II, ch. xv.
3. Strabo, Geography, Bk.
IV, c. iv, 6.
4. Dionysius, Periegetes,
II. 1120-5.
5. Thorpe, ii, pp. 32-4.]
The Laws of Wihtraed, King
of Kent,[1] 690.
Fines inflicted on those who offer to devils.
8th cent. The Confessionale and
Poeniteniale of Ecgberht, first Archbishop of York,[2] 734-766.
Prohibition of offerings to devils; of witchcraft; of auguries according
to the methods of the heathen; of vows paid, loosed, or confirmed at
wells, stones, or trees; of the gathering of herbs with any incantation
except Christian prayers.
The Law of the Northumbrian
priests.[3]
'If then anyone be found that shall henceforth practise any heathenship,
either by sacrifice or by "fyrt", or in any way love witchcraft, or
worship idols, if he be a king's thane, let him pay X half-marks; half to
Christ, half to the king. We are all to love and worship one God, and
strictly hold one Christianity, and totally renounce all heathenship.'
9th cent. Decree attributed to a
General Council of Ancyra.[4]
'Certain wicked women, reverting to Satan, and seduced by the illusions
and phantasms of demons, believe and profess that they ride at night with
Diana on certain beasts, with an innumerable multitude of women, passing
over immense distances, obeying her commands as their mistress, and evoked
by her on certain nights.'
10th cent. Laws of Edward and
Guthrum.[5] After 901.
'If anyone violate christianity, or reverence heathenism, by word or by
work, let him pay as well wer, as wite or lah-slit,
according as the deed may be.'
Laws of King Athelslan,[6]
924-940.
We have ordained respecting witchcrafts, and lyblacs, and
morthdaeds: if anyone should be thereby killed, and he could not deny
it, that he be liable in his life. But if he will deny it, and at the
threefold ordeal shall be guilty; that he be cxx days in prison.'
Ecclesiastical canons of King
Edgar,[7] 959.
We enjoin, that every priest zealously promote Christianity, and totally
extinguish every heathenism; and forbid
[1. Thorpe, i, p. 41.
2. Id., ii, p. 157 seq.
3. Id., ii, pp. 299, 303.
4. Scot, p. 66.——Lea, iii, p. 493.
5. Thorpe, i, p. 169,
6. Id., i, p. 203.
7. Id., ii, p. 249.]
well worshipings, and
necromancies, and divinations, and enchantments, and man worshipings, and
the vain practices which are carried on with various spells, and with "frithsplots",[1]
and with elders, and also with various other trees, and with stones, and
with many various delusions, with which men do much of what they should
not.——And we enjoin, that every Christian man zealously accustom his
children to Christianity, and teach them the Paternoster and the Creed.
And we enjoin, that on feast days heathen songs and devil's games be
abstained from.'
Laws of King Ethelred, [2]
978-1016.
'Let every Christian man do as is needful to him; let him strictly keep
his Christianity. . . . Let us zealously venerate right Christianity, and
totally despise every heathenism.'
11th cent. Laws of King Cnut,[3]
1017-1035,
'We earnestly forbid every heathenism: heathenism is, that men worship
idols; that is, that they worship heathen gods, and the sun or the moon,
fire or rivers, water-wells or stones, or forest trees of any kind; or
love witchcraft, or promote morth-work in any wise.'
13th cent. Witchcraft made into a
sect and heresy by the Church. The priest of Inverkeithing presented
before the bishop in 1282 for leading a fertility dance at Easter round
the phallic figure of a god; he was allowed to retain his benefice.[4]
14th cent. In 1303 the Bishop of
Coventry was accused before the Pope for doing homage to the Devil.[3]
Trial of Dame Alice Kyteler,
1324.
Tried for both operative and ritual witchcraft, and found guilty.
Nider's Formicarius, 1337.
A detailed account of witches and their proceedings in Berne, which had
been infested by them for more than sixty years.
[1. Frith = brushwood, splot =
plot of ground; sometimes used for 'splotch, splash'.
2. Thorpe, i, pp. 311, 323, 351.
3. Id., i, p. 379.
4. Chronicles of Lanercost, p.
109, ed. Stevenson.
5. Rymer, ii, 934.]
15th cent. Joan of Arc burnt as a
witch, 1431. Gilles de Rais executed as a witch, 1440.
Bernardo di Bosco, 1457.
Sent by Pope Calixtus III to suppress the witches in Brescia and its
neighbourhood.
Bull of Pope Innocent VIII,
1481,
'It has come to our ears that numbers of both sexes do not avoid to have
intercourse with demons, Incubi and Succubi; and that by their sorceries,
and by their incantations, charms, and conjurations, they suffocate,
extinguish, and cause to perish the births of women, the increase of
animals, the corn of the ground, the grapes of the vineyard and the fruit
of the trees, as well as men, women, flocks, herds, and other various
kinds of animals, vines and apple trees, grass, corn and other fruits of
the earth; making and procuring that men and women, flocks and herds and
other animals shall suffer and be tormented both from within and without,
so that men beget not, nor women conceive; and they impede the conjugal
action of men and women.'
It will be seen by the foregoing
that so far from the Bull of Pope Innocent VIII being the beginning of the
'outbreak of witchcraft ', as so many modern writers consider, it is only
one of many ordinances against the practices of an earlier cult. It takes
no account of the effect of these practices on the morals of the people
who believed in them, but lays stress only on their power over fertility;
the fertility of human beings, animals, and crops. In short it is exactly
the pronouncement which one would expect from a Christian against a
heathen form of religion in which the worship of a god of fertility was
the central idea. It shows therefore that the witches were considered to
deal with fertility only.
Looked upon in the light of a
fertility cult, the ritual, of the witches becomes comprehensible.
Originally for the promotion of fertility, it became gradually degraded
into a method for blasting fertility, and thus the witches who had been
once the means of bringing prosperity to the people and the land by
driving out all evil influences, in process of time were looked upon as
being themselves the evil influences, and were held in horror accordingly.
The actual feelings of the witches
towards their religion have been recorded in very few cases, but they can
be inferred from the few records which remain. The earliest example is
from Lorraine in 1408, 'lequel méfait les susdites dames disoient et
confessoient avoir enduré à leur contentement et saoulement de plaisir que
n'avoient eu onc de leur vie en tel pourchas'.[1] De Lancre took a certain
amount of trouble to obtain the opinions of the witches, whereby he was
obviously scandalized.
'Vne sorciere entre autres fort
insigne nous dict qu'elle auoit tousiours creu, que la sorcelerie estoit
la meilleure religion.——Ieanne Dibasson aagee de vingt neuf ans nous dict
que le sabbat estoit le vray Paradis, où il y a beaucoup plus de plaisir
qu'on ne peut exprimer. Que ceux qui y vont trouuent le temps si court à
force de plaisir & de contenteme{n}t, qu'ils n'en peuuent sortir sans vn
merveilleux regret, de maniere qu'il leur tarde infiniment qu'ils n'y
reuiennent.——Marie de la Ralde, aagee de vingt huict ans, tres belle
femme, depose qu'elle auoit vn singulier plaisir d'aller au sabbat, si
bien que quand on la venoit semondre d'y aller elle y alloit comme à
nopces: non pas tant pour la liberté & licence qu'on a de s'accointer
ensemble (ce que par modestie elle dict n'auoir iamais faict ny veu faire)
mais parce que le Diable tenoit tellement liés leurs coeurs & leurs
volontez qu'à peine y laissoit il entrer nul autre desir . . . An reste
elle dict qu'elle ne croyoit faire aucun mal d'aller au sabbat, & qu'elle
y auoit beaucoup plus de plaisir & contentement que d'aller à la Messe,
parce que le Diable leur faisoit à croire qu'il estoit le vray Dieu, & que
la ioye que les sorciers prenoyent au sabbat n'estoit qu'vn commencement
d'vne beaucoup plus grande gloire.——Elles disoyent franchement, qu'elles y
alloyent & voyoient toutes ces execrations auec vne volupté admirable, &
vn desir enrager d'y aller & d'y estre, trouua{n}t les iours trop reculez
de la nuict pour faire le voyage si desiré, & le poinct ou les heures pour
y aller trop lentes, & y estant, trop, courtes pour vn si agreable seiour
& delicieux amusement.——En fin il a le faux martyre: & se trouue des
Sorciers si acharnez à son seruice endiablé, qu'il n'y a torture ny
supplice qui les estonne, & diriez qu'ils vont au vray martyre & à la mort
pour l'amour de luy, aussi gayement que s'ils alloient à vn festin de
plaisir & reioüyssance publique.——Quand elles sont preuenues de la Iustice,
elles ne pleurent & ne iettent vne seule larme, voire leur faux martyre
soit de la torture, soit du gibet leur est si plaisant, qu'il tarde à
plusieurs qu'elles ne
[1. Bournon, p. 23.]
soiêt executées à mort, &
souffre{n}t fort ioyeusement qu'on leur face le procez, tant il leur tarde
qu'elles ne soient auec le Diable. Et ne s'impatientent de rien tant en
leur prison, que de ce qu'elles ne lui peuuent tesmoigner co{m}bie{n}:
elles souffrent & desirent souffrir pour luy."[1]
Bodin says, 'Il y en a d'autres,
ausquelles Satan promet qu'elles seront bien heureuses apres cette vie,
qui empesche qu'elles ne se repentent, & meurent obstinees en leur
mechanceté'.[2]
Madame de Bourignon's girls at
Lille (1661) 'had not the least design of changing, to quit these
abominable Pleasures, as one of them of Twenty-two Years old one day told
me. No, said she, I will not be other than I am; I find too much
content in my Condition .'[3] Though the English and Scotch witches'
opinions are not reported, it is clear from the evidence that they were
the same as those of the Basses-Pyrénées, for not only did they join of
their own free will but in many cases there seems to have been no need of
persuasion. In a great number of trials, when the witches acknowledged
that they had been asked to become members of the society, there follows
an expression of this sort, 'ye freely and willingly accepted and granted
thereto'. And that they held -to their god as firmly as those de Lancre
put to death is equally evident in view of the North Berwick witches, of
Rebecca West and Rose Hallybread, who 'dyed very Stuburn, and Refractory
without any Remorss, or seeming Terror of Conscience for their abominable
Witch-craft';[4] Major Weir, who perished as a witch, renouncing all hope
of heaven;[5] and the Northampton witches, Agnes Browne and her daughter,
who 'were never heard to pray, or to call vppon God, never asking pardon
for their offences either of God or the world in this their dangerous, and
desperate Resolution, dyed'; Elinor Shaw and Mary Phillips, at their
execution 'being desired to say their Prayers, they both set up a very
loud Laughter,
[1. De Lancre, Tableau, pp.
124, 125, 126, 135, 208, 458.
2. Bodin, Fléau, p. 373.
3. Bourignon, Parole, p.
87.——Hale, p. 27. Full Tryals of Notorious Witches, p. 8.
4. Records of the Justiciary Court
of Edinburgh, ii, p. 14.——Arnot, p. 359.]
calling for the Devil to come and
help them in such a Blasphemous manner, as is not fit to Mention; so that
the Sherif seeing their presumptious Impenitence, caused them to be
Executed with all the Expedition possible; even while they were Cursing
and raving, and as they liv'd the Devils true Factors, so they resolutely
Dyed in his Service': the rest of the Coven also died 'without any
confession or contrition'.[1]
[1. Witches of Northhamtonshire,
p. 8.] |